THE DIVINE IMAGERY
ON OCTAVIAN’S PROPAGANDA
IN THE LATE REPUBLIC
AND EARLY PRINCIPATE
A THESIS BY
CHARLES M CARLSON
SUBMITTED ON APRIL THIRD, 2020
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR A MAJOR IN CLASSICS
_____________________
Liane Houghtalin
Thesis Advisor
Autobiography
I was born June 30th, 1998 in Tyler Texas. Shortly after that my family moved to Northern Virginia, where I have lived almost my whole life. I have always had an interest in history and the classics, and I heard UMW had great programs for both, so I decided to attend UMW for college. My grandfather on my mom’s side immigrated to the United States from Italy, so I always thought of learning about Rome and the Roman Empire as learning about my own peoples’ history and legacy, which is one of the reasons I have always been so interested in Roman history. When I got to go to college, it felt natural to begin taking Latin and majoring in Classics. Halfway through my sophomore year, I decided to study abroad in Milan, Italy. While there, the experience not only solidified my love for antiquity, but also helped me further reconnect to my Italian heritage.
Abstract
This paper seeks to analyze the propaganda Octavian utilized both before and after he became August. It will answer why there was a shift in themes and imagery on his propaganda after he gained the title Augustus. The primary way I will address this question is through analyzing coins minted during the late Roman Republic, and early Principate. Then I will compare the themes and motifs on those coins to the themes and motifs on the Prima Porta statue of Augustus. The primary way I analyzed the themes and motifs was by examining the primary sources, looking at the images on the obverses and reverse and the inscriptions, and then reading scholarly opinions that were written about these sources. I will first demonstrate that the two main themes on the coins and the Prima Porta are Octavian’s connection to Julius Caesar and Octavian’s connection to divinity. Then, I will discuss how the themes change after he receives the title Augustus. After Octavian obtains the title Augustus, he begins to portray himself as not only having a special connection to the divine Julius Caesar, but also a special connection to other divine figures.
On my honor, I attest that I have neither given nor received unauthorized aid on this assignment.
Signed,
Charles Michael Carlson
Dedication
First, I would like to dedicate my thesis to my mother and father, without their love and support I would not be where I am today. Secondly, I am grateful to my Nonno and Nonna, because no one could ask for better grandparents. Thirdly, to my brothers and sisters who may not share my love for Rome and the classics, but who are always there when I need them. Finally, I want to acknowledge all my teachers and professors, who over the years nourished my love for learning.
Table of Contents
Caesar’s Funeral and the Sidus Iulium . . . . 11
Late Republican Coins Featuring Octavian and Caesar . . 15
Late Republican Coins with Divine Imagery . . . . 18
Shift in Themes on Coins Minted by Augustus . . . 19
Augustus’ Coinage Reform and its Impact . . . . 21
Analysis of the Prima Porta . . . . . . 23
Conclusion . . . . . . . . 25
Endnotes . . . . . . . . 27
Bibliography . . . . . . . . 29
Figures . . . . . . . . . 32
Introduction
Before the rise of Octavian, Julius Caesar’s grandnephew and adopted son, Julius Caesar himself reigned supreme as the most prominent of the Roman politicians. Julius Caesar, throughout his political career, slowly gathered more and more political influence and power through a myriad of different ways. One of the ways he did this was through the formation of a political alliance with Gnaeus Pompey and Marcus Lucius Crassus, both highly influential and powerful Roman politicians in their own right This political alliance was known as the Triumvirate and was formed around 60 BCE; later it became known as the First Triumvirate. While Caesar campaigned in Gaul from 58-50 BCE, the other members of the Triumvirate and their allies worked to protect Caesar’s interests in Rome. The alliance was severed when Julia, Pompey’s wife and Caesar’s daughter died during childbirth in September of 54 BCE. After Pompey stopped protecting Julius Caesar in the senate, the senate voted to put Julius Caesar on trial for treason and commanded him to disband his legions. Caesar instead of deciding to lay down arms, decided to march on Rome to prevent himself from being prosecuted by the Roman Senate. Pompey then fled the city and raised legions to fight against Caesar. In 49 BCE Julius Caesar and his legions crossed the Rubicon, a river which acted as a boundary between the province of Italy and Cisalpine Gaul. In Roman law it was strictly forbidden to cross the Rubicon with legions, except for during a triumph. Caesar then fought a civil war against his former ally, Pompey, who was backed by the Roman Senate, and thus this civil war lasted from 49-45 BCE. Caesar won this civil war, which had made him the unquestionable ruler of Rome. After securing his power, Caesar was declared dictator for life by the remaining senators in 44 BCE. However, shortly after he was declared dictator for life, a group of senators came together to conspire against Julius Caesar because they felt he had gathered too much power and was acting tyrannical. They assassinated him on the Ides of March in 44 BCE. Although Caesar was assassinated and an extremely controversial figure within the Roman Senate, he was exceedingly popular with the lower classes of Rome and his legionary soldiers. After his death, Marcus Antonius, or Mark Antony, one of Caesar’s right-hand men worked with the Senate to stabilize Rome.
In Caesar’s will, he posthumously adopted Gaius Octavius, his great-nephew as his legal son. Gaius Octavius, or Octavian, was born to a wealthy family from the equestrian class of Rome in 63 BCE. Octavian did not hesitate to embrace his connection to Caesar from the very beginning of his political career, despite Julius Caesar’s controversial career. Octavian would later use many of Caesar’s veteran legions to help him secure power. Octavian, Antony and Lepidus formed a second triumvirate in order to maintain the stability of the then fragile Roman government. Unfortunately, this triumvirate would not last very long: Octavian and Antony’s relations gradually broke down, which resulted in Octavian and Antony fighting a civil war against one another between the years 32 and 30 BCE.
During the civil war between Octavian and Mark Antony, several of Julius Caesar’s veteran legions defected to Octavian, which helped Octavian then defeat Antony and his forces. After defeating them, Octavian, much like his adopted father, became essentially the supreme political power in Rome. After securing his position, Octavian was awarded by the Senate (which had become little more than a rubberstamp for Octavian) in 27 BCE with the name, Augustus, which can be loosely translated as “venerable.” By adopting this title which had religious overtones, Octavian was further connecting himself to divinity, something he had already promoted through the apotheosis of Julius Caesar.
Apotheosis is the process of one becoming worshiped or venerated as a god, or in a similar manner to a god. In Roman society, Julius Caesar was the first man in Rome’s historic period to be apotheosized. Julius Caesar’s apotheosis occurred after his death, but much of the foundation for his apotheosis occurred during his life. Julius Caesar was not the first mortal to be apotheosized in the ancient world; in fact it was a fairly common practice in the ancient near east for prominent kings or rulers to be worshiped as gods. Perhaps the two most familiar examples are Alexander the Great and the pharaohs of Egypt. Understanding how Octavian achieved apotheosis through increasingly connecting himself to the divine, first through his familial relationship to the now deified Julius Caesar, then through accepting the special title “Augustus,” and through other means, such as images on his coins and other works of art is the focus of this thesis.
There has been significant literature on both Late Republican Era coins featuring Octavian and on early Augustan Era coins and their propagandistic nature. There has been significant literature on both Late Republican Era coins featuring Octavian and on early Augustan Era coins and their propagandistic nature. Interpreting coins as propaganda, whether they be from antiquity or today, is not a controversial scholarly practice. One of the reasons coins are good for propagandistic purposes is that almost everyone in society uses them at some point. Coins are also an extremely effective form of communication due to their visuals and brief accompanying text. Images on coins can become an extremely powerful way to not only communicate directly to the people, but also to showcase propaganda. A face on a coin communicates that the person depicted is powerful and deserves the respect of others. In the United States, for example, we place our most revered presidents and Founding Fathers on our coinage and money, precisely for that reason. Although there are similarities in how the US and ancient Rome used propaganda on coins, one important difference is that in the US, it was mostly used to propagandize on behalf of an individual. Octavian, like many other Roman politicians was a master at utilizing propaganda whether it be on coins or in art.
One of the most important works exploring how Octavian portrayed himself through coinage to the Roman people is Nandini Pandey and her article, “Caesar’s Comet, the Julian Star and the Invention of Augustus,” published in the journal, Transactions of the American Philological Association in 2013. In this article she postulates that the Sidus Iulium, which is also known as the Julian Star and Caesar’s Comet, became an important symbol of Octavian and that he used it to show how his rule was preordained and supported by the gods themselves. One important disagreement Pandey has with J. Ramsey and A. Licht and their book, The Comet of 44 B.C and Caesar’s Funeral Games, published in 1997 is that they argued that Octavian convinced the Roman people and senate to accept the comet as a sign of Caesar’s apotheosis, but Pandey argues that Octavian did not yet have the political influence to do so. An alternative hypothesis postulated by E. Ramage is that Octavian, after gaining political influence used the sidus Iulium, to separate himself from Caesar, who was now a divine and Octavian was still portraying himself as a mortal. Pandey claims that Octavian was using this star symbolism to emphasize his connection to Caesar and subsequently the divine. Pandey’s article disagrees with Robert Gurval’s article, “Caesar’s Comet: The Poetics of an Augustan Myth,” which was published in the journal Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome in 1997 that comets in Octavian’s time were considered negative. Instead she postulates that it was only significantly after the Age of Augustus that comets began to be considered negative tidings.Although some have questioned the validity of the sidus Iulium phenomenon, others have tried to verify independently that the sidus Iulium was a real phenomenon that can be authenticated by non-Roman sources, one of the main pieces of evidence for this is an ancient Chinese source which seems to corroborate the comet.
Pandey claims that Octavian’s coins which featured the sidus Iulium borrowed from imagery that Julius Caesar had already used. An example of this, is a coin that Julius Caesar had minted which featured Venus on the obverse, along with a star (Figure 1). She postulates that Julius Caesar decided to use this imagery because Venus was associated with the star that guided Aeneas to Italy and because Julius Caesar claimed descent from Aeneas and, through Aeneas, Venus. She then asserts that after Octavian became Augustus, he utilized the preexisting imagery to emphasize his connection to Julius Caesar and subsequently the divine.
Pandey’s article is largely in agreement with Robert Gurval’s, except for a few key differences. Gurval states that Julius Caesar’s apotheosis helped pave the way for Octavian’s eventual apotheosis, which Pandey’s article is largely in agreement with. However, he argues that on the first coins to depict Caesar’s Star, the depictions were meant to be more decorative than symbolic, which is Pandey’s largest disagreement with his work. Gurval goes on to claim that it was only after Augustus fully controlled Rome that he began to use Caesar’s Star to legitimize his rule. Gurval states that Octavian initially relied on his familial connection to Julius Caesar to gain popularity. This is shown by a coin depicting Caesar and Octavian together and the following inscriptions “Caesar Divi” or “Divi Iuli,” “Caesar Divi F,” “IMP Caesar,” and “Divos Iulius” which were found on many coins minted by Octavian. Although Gurval claims that Augustus only began to utilize Caesar’s Star to legitimize his rule after he stabilized his rule, there is evidence of Octavian using the symbol before he had complete control of Rome which contradicts Gurval’s statement. Another thing which contradicts this claim is that Gurval himself reports that Octavian was said to have attached a star to every public statue of Julius Caesar immediately after Julius Caesar’s funeral.
Scholars have extensively written about The Prima Porta statue of Augustus. Unfortunately, there is no single agreed upon theory for either the placement of the statue or what was in its right hand. Many scholars postulate the location for it, and some theories have more support than others. Most scholars do seem to agree that the Prima Porta was at least initially displayed publicly. Allan Klynne and Peter Liljenstolpe in the article “Where to Put Augustus?: A Note on the Placement of the Prima Porta Statue,” which was published in the American Journal of Philology in 2000. They argue that the Prima Porta was originally displayed in an underground atrium. They claim this because a statue base was found in an atrium that nearly matches the dimensions of the Prima Porta. A few common theories for what the Prima Porta held were laurels, due to the connection between laurels and victory, and a spear or scepter.
Throughout Octavian’s political career he utilized many different forms of propaganda. In any society, visual rhetoric would have been one of the most effective ways to communicate with the people. Among the various forms of visual rhetoric in the Roman world, the two most common were certainly coinage and monuments or statues. Even before Octavian became the dominate force in Roman politics, he began utilizing propaganda to communicate with the Roman people. For example, even the name Augustus, could be considered a form of propaganda. This paper will explore the propaganda that Octavian utilized, specifically on the coins issued by Octavian and Augustus, and it will compare them to the Prima Porta statue of Augsutus. Octavian began laying the groundwork for his eventual apotheosis by featuring his connection to Julius Caesar and divinity on his early coins; and after he seized power and became Augustus, he shifted to focus more explicitly on his own connection to the divine.
Caesar’s Funeral and the Sidus Iulium
Octavian initially utilized his connection to Julius Caesar to gain popularity. Although Octavian was born to a wealthy family, he had little more than his connection to Julius Caesar for aiding him in his political career. It is interesting that Octavian, even before he had absolute power, embraced his connection to Julius Caesar because although Julius Caesar was immensely popular among the lower classes, he was hated by many powerful senators. Octavian embracing his familial ties to Julius Caesar was a bold, but perhaps necessary move for the young politician. By embracing his ties to Julius Caesar, Octavian helped win over the support of Julius Caesar’s veteran legions and support from the lower classes, who had favored Julius Caesar when he was alive. It also may have been necessary for him to embrace his connection to Caesar to win support from the lower classes because many of the upper-class politicians were directly opposed to Caesar and would probably not have wanted to support Caesar’s heir. But by Octavian embracing his ties to Julius Caesar, he also worried powerful Roman politicians that his ambitions were just as great as has adopted father’s. Even though Octavian was not at Julius Caesar’s funeral, the reaction of the crowd at the funeral must have worried the moderate senators and those who opposed Julius Caesar, that Octavian or Mark Antony would be able to rally the Roman people around them as the heir to Julius Caesar’s political legacy.
After Julius Caesar was assassinated, a lavish funeral was thrown in his honor. Shortly after the funeral, it was said that a comet appeared in the sky. Many people interpreted this as Julius Caesar’s soul ascending to the heavens due to his popularity with the people and Julius Caesar claiming descent from Aeneas, the legendary founder of the Roman people and Venus, the Roman goddess of love and beauty. Although some interpreted the comet as a sign of Julius Caesar’s divinity, others did not know what to make of it. How Romans contemporary to Julius Caesar and Octavian thought of comets in general is still hotly debated. There is some evidence to suggest that Romans contemporary of Julius Caesar and Octavian generally thought of comets as negative, but that raises a few questions. If comets were negative omens, then why would Julius Caesar place a comet on his coins? Why would he knowingly associate himself with something that was considered a negative sign? And why would Octavian and Mark Antony do the same? Even before Julius Caesar began to place a star on his coins, which was supposed to be associated with Venus coins with stars associated with divinity were minted. In fact, during the Second Punic Wars, coins with stars on them began to circulate, which may suggest that it was only after Augustus’ reign that comets began to be viewed as negative portents. During antiquity, in the near east and the Greek world, stars and comets were generally seen as positive symbols associated with divinity and divine favor. But Pliny does note how odd it is was for a comet to be revered by the Roman people, claiming that “The only place in the whole world where a comet was the object of worship is a temple in Rome.” Regardless of what contemporaries thought of it, scholars initially thought that the comet was fake or purely propaganda, but in recent years academics were able to independently verify its existence using ancient Chinese records.
Octavian took this comet and turned it into an extremely powerful symbol of his connection to Julius Caesar and through Caesar, the divinities. Octavian may have only been able to perpetrate the worship of Julius Caesar because it already had organic support from the Roman lower classes and military. After Caesar’s funeral, Octavian may have recognized the potential of this movement and decided he would be able to coopt this organic organization into support for himself and his eventual apotheosis. Following Julius Caesar’s funeral, Octavian proceeded to put images of stars not only on his coins, but also on all public statues of Julius Caesar. He used the star not only as a symbol to show his connection to Julius Caesar, but also to further the cult worship of Julius Caesar. The supporters of Octavian and Julius Caesar took the comet as a sign that the gods themselves seemed to support Julius Caesar’s apotheosis, and Octavian’s rise to power. Through the apotheosis of Julius Caesar, Octavian could then claim he was “Divi Filius” or “son of a divine.” This not only helped legitimize his rule over Rome, but also laid the foundation for his own eventual apotheosis. Octavian, Antony and other politicians who took up the legacy of Julius Caesar began placing the sidus Iulium on coins along with divine imagery of Julius Caesar.
Although there were other politicians who wanted to continue Julius Caesar’s legacy, perhaps the most notable among them being Mark Antony, and who also utilized star imagery on their coins, none ever utilized the imagery as much as Octavian. Gurval says that the star which appears on coins minted by Antony was more to signify his special “authority as flamen of the cult of Divios Iulius [Divine Julius] … as much as a recognition of Caesar’s divinity.” In fact, unlike Octavian, Antony later abandoned his efforts to be seen as Julius Caesar’s political heir and abandoned perpetrating the cult worship of Julius Caesar. Even from the beginning “Mark Antony, had little interest in promoting the divine cult of the deceased, [Caesar].” Antony’s interest, or lack of interest, in promoting the worship of Julius Caesar was in stark contrast to Octavian’s. As the adopted son of Julius Caesar, Octavian had strong motivation to promote his adopted-father’s worship.
Octavian was so much more committed to promoting the worship of Julius Caesar than Antony was, because Octavian was the legal heir to Caesar. In addition to receiving the largest portion of Julius Caesar’s estate after he died, Octavian was adopted by him, and became Caesar’s natural son in the eyes of the Roman state and added Caesar’s name to his own. This is important because in Roman culture there was a concept that the glory won by one’s ancestors also partly applied to the descendants as well. This concept may seem strange to us, but perhaps a more familiar example of this is Scipio Africanus. Scipio Africanus, after defeating Hannibal in Africa, was awarded the honorary name, Africanus, and his descendants continued to bear the name. Just as Scipio Africanus’ sons received part of his glory through his name so did Octavian from Julius Caesar, which may be one of the reasons Octavian was so set on perpetuating the worship of Julius Caesar. For if Julius Caesar, his father was a god, that made him the son of a god and gave him a personal and special relationship with the gods of Rome.
Late Republican Coins Featuring Octavian and Caesar
One of the primary themes on coins minted by Octavian is his connection to Julius Caesar. There are many examples of Octavian on the obverse and Julius Caesar on the reverse or them two being pictured together on the same side. Often these depictions of Julius Caesar include divine imagery. In figure 1 a young Octavian is pictured on the obverse next to Julius Caesar who is crowned with a laurel wreath on his head on a coin which was minted circa 38-36 BCE. For the Romans a laurel wreath was given to a Roman general after he won a great victory, and it was considered a great honor. Gods were also often depicted wearing laurel wreaths, particularly Apollo. The implication of Julius Caesar wearing a laurel wreath along with the inscription “DIVI IVLI” or “divine Julius” must have been clear to contemporary Romans: Julius Caesar even after his death deserved to be revered just as much as, if not more than a Roman general at a triumph. Later in Octavian’s reign, after he gained the title Augustus, he was permitted to wear a laurel wreath every day, and his house was adorned with laurel wreaths, just as Roman temples would have been. The divine imagery becomes even more explicit and less Caesar-focused on later coins.
In figure two, which depicts a coin minted in 38 BCE, on the obverse is Octavian (bearded) with a star and the inscription “DIVI F,” Divi Filius, or divine son. On the reverse of that coin the inscription is “DIVOS IVLIVS” or “Divine Julius” the inscription is encircled by laurels, suggesting glory and reverence towards the name Julius. At this time Octavian was apparently comfortable enough to place only his face on the coin, as opposed to also having Julius Caesar’s face, but the coin does have a subtle reference to Octavian’s connection to Julius Caesar on it. Octavian is depicted with a beard, which was a sign of mourning to the Romans. The implication is that Octavian is mourning for his father, which would show his pietas, the Roman virtue of piety, but for the Romans pietas or piety was not only to gods, but also to one’s family and country. The star being right next to Octavian implies his direct connection to divinity.
The next coin, figure three, which was minted in 36 BCE, perhaps even more directly asserts his connection to divinity than the last one. On the obverse is a bust of Octavian and the inscription “CAESAR DIVI FILIUS,” while on the back is a temple with a statue and a star and frieze that reads “DIVO IVL” which was an abbreviation for divine Julius, and a list of Octavian’s titles. Octavian calls himself “Caesar, divine son,” which immediately links him to Julius Caesar and divinity. On the reverse of this coin is a temple dedicated to Divine Julius and a star. This coin clearly sets up Octavian’s eventual apotheosis. Octavian is showing that primarily through Julius Caesar he has a special link to the gods. Octavian is using these coins, not only to condone the worship of Caesar but to promote it and emphasize his special relationship to Caesar and the gods.
One of the most interesting coins showcasing Octavian’s connection to Julius Caesar appearing in is figure seven, a coin which was most likely minted between 41 and 37 BCE. The obverse of the coin has the profile of Octavian and the inscription “Caesar Divi F.” or “Caesar divine son” surrounding his head. The reverse of this coin has the profile of Julius Caesar crowned with a laurel wreath and surrounding his profile are the words “Divos Iulius” or divine Julius. This coin does a few things. Firstly, it directly connects Octavian to Julius Caesar by having both their faces on this coin. Secondly, it also directly states their familial connection and Julius Caesar’s divinity. Even if it did not have the words Caesar divine son, it would still imply a close connection between the two, due to the similarity of the portraits and the fact that they are pictured on the same coin. The coin may also imply that Octavian is equal to Julius Caesar due to the same size of the depictions and the similarity.
Although the coin from figure seven may imply that Julius Caesar and Octavian are equals, the coin pictured in figure eight does this more explicitly. On the obverse of figure eight, which was minted between 38 and 36 BCE the faces of Julius Caesar (left) and Octavian (right) are portrayed right next to one another. Also, on the obverse of this coin is the inscription “IMP” which stands for “imperator,” meaning commander or general. There is an inscription by Julius Caesar’s face that is partially corrupted, but it seems to spell out “Divos Iuli” or divine Julius. There is also an “F.” next to Octavian which stands for “Filius” or son. Another notable aspect of this coin is that Julius Caesar is not depicted with a laurel wreath. This coin more explicitly implies that Julius Caesar and Octavian are equals because Julius Caesar does not appear with a crown of laurels, their faces are the same size and they both appear on the same side of the coin. By Octavian and Julius Caesar’s faces appearing right next to one another, it is as if the coin is trying to emphasize that Octavian is so intertwined with Julius Caesar’s legacy that Octavian is Caesar’s legacy and he will continue what Caesar was trying to accomplish.
Late Republican Coins with Divine Imagery
There are three more coins (figure four) which show Octavian emphasizing his connection to divinity. These coins were minted around 31 BCE and include a specific reference to Julius Caesar. These three coins are extremely similar in design and content. Each of the coins’ obverses feature the head of a different female goddess. All the reverses but the one on the far right feature a man in Roman armor carrying a spear or standard and all are accompanied by the inscription “CAESAR DIVI F” or “Caesar divine son.” The figure on the far right appears to be nude except for a cape and is also holding a spear or standard; the reverse on this coin also features the inscription “CAESAR DIVI F.” I believe the figure on the reverse is supposed to represent Octavian himself, due to the inscription being “Caesar divine son” and because the armor appears to be the armor of a Roman officer and not that of a common infantryman. Additionally, the figure on the reverse is holding the palm branch of victory and his right foot is on a globe, this symbolizes Octavian’s victory in the civil war, which granted him dominion over the entire Roman world. The goddess on the obverse of the coin on the left is most likely Ceres, due to the depiction of grain to the right of her visage. The goddess on the obverse of the coin in the center is most likely Juno. She is most likely Juno because in addition to being depicted with a diadem, like the other two goddesses, she also has a necklace, making her the most decorated of the goddesses depicted; which would fit her status as queen of the gods and Jupiter’s wife. The goddess depicted on the obverse of the coin on the far right is probably Venus. To the right of her, another image of the Julian Star could have been meant to be depicted, but it is difficult to tell. Regardless of which exact goddesses these coins were meant to depict, the message is still clear. It is showing that Octavian is the son of Julius Caesar and has a special connection with the divines as a result. It was somewhat uncommon for Roman coins to have gods and goddesses depicted on them even on a side which did not depict the person who had the coin minted, let alone have them depicted alongside a person’s name, which would have made these coins even more striking to the Roman people. This also would have further driven home the point of Octavian’s special status and unique connection to divinity, which served as the foundation for his eventual apotheosis.
Shift in Themes on Coins Minted by Augustus
After Octavian was awarded the title of Augustus by the senate, which at that point had become little more than a rubberstamp for Augustus, the references to Julius Caesar on the coins decrease, and more and more of the divine imagery is transferred from Julius Caesar to Augustus himself. The coin appearing in figure five, which was minted in 17 BCE, has a man in armor, carrying a standard and a shield with a star on it on the obverse. On the reverse is a bust of Augustus with a laurel wreath on his head and a four-pronged comet. This coin shows the transition from Julius Caesar being the one depicted with special honors to Octavian, who was now being called Augustus. Another interesting aspect to this coin is there are no direct references to Julius Caesar, unlike many of Augustus’ earlier coins, from when he was still known as Octavian. As Octavian solidified his power, he was able to emphasize his connection to Julius Caesar less and more directly show his own divinity.
Another coin which shows this same shift appears in figure six, which is dated between 32-29 BCE. On this coin’s obverse, there is a bust of Augustus facing left and no inscriptions. On the back there is a chariot being pulled by four horses and the words “CAESAR DIVI F” which stands for Caesar divine son. Octavian had been using this epitaph since the beginning of his political career. In this context, he may be using this epithet because it had become familiar to the Roman people. On the reverse of the coin, a man riding in the chariot is depicted, holding up laurels. This is no doubt meant to depict a triumph, which may be intended to remind the Romans how Augustus defeated Antony. This would be a powerful piece of propaganda to help prove that Augustus was the true heir to Julius Caesar’s legacy, as opposed to Mark Antony.
An additional coin which demonstrates the shift from displaying Julius Caesar as the one with special honors is the coin in figure nine, which was minted sometime in the late 20s BCE. The obverse of the coin in figure nine has a bust of Augustus, with the inscription “Caesar Augustus” around his face. On the reverse of the coin there is a depiction of the sidus Iulium and the words “Divus Iulius” or divine Julius. Once again, the connection to Julius Caesar is there, but it is not as emphasized as it was on many of the earlier coins minted by Augustus. One phrase which is noticeably absent from this coin is “Divi F” or divine son. This phrase was on many of the coins minted during the late Republic but is conspicuously absent from this coin minted by Augustus during the early Principate. This coin illustrates the shift where many of the honors that were previously applied only to Julius Caesar now begin to be applied to Augustus himself. The sidus Iulium on the obverse is perhaps meant to be interpreted as a stand in for Julius Caesar, or now it may be being applied as a proof of Augustus’ own divinity.
The next coin, represented in figure 10, which was minted in 17 BCE more plainly shows the shift of honors previously reserved only for Julius Caesar being applied to Augustus. The obverse of the coin depicts Augustus with a laurel wreath crown and the sidus Iulium directly above his head. The laurel wreath crown being placed on Augustus’ head is a dramatic shift, showing Augustus acquiring more and more honors and privileges from the Roman Senate as he solidifies his reign. The sidus Iulium directly above Augustus’ head may be meant to be interpreted now as a sign of not just Julius Caesar’s divinity, but of Augustus’ own divine nature.
Augustus’ Coinage Reform and its Impact
The coins Augustus minted were such powerful pieces of propaganda, that the themes and imagery remained the standard for imperial coins until even after his Julio-Claudian dynasty ended, in addition to being powerful pieces of propaganda, the coins also became the standards for the percentage precious metals in coins until after his Julio-Claudian dynasty ended. One of the reasons for this, was that Augustus reformed the Roman coinage system. His reformation of the Roman coinage system served several purposes: firstly the Roman coinage system was in need of standardization due to the instability that preceded Augustus’ reign, and Augustus could use this as an excuse to create even more propagandistic images for the Roman people to see. These reforms were extremely successful at both aims. First, the precious metal content in the coins remained relatively constant until the reign of Nero, indicating the overall success of the denominations of Augustus. Second the iconography, epithets and titles used on the coins also remained constant until the reign of Nero and beyond. One of the most compelling pieces of evidence that the propaganda on coins minted by Augustus being successful, is that other emperors utilized them long after Augustus’ reign. If the iconography and imagery were not powerful and persuasive, then there would have been no point in continuing to use them after Augustus’ reign. Another aspect which made the reformation of Roman coinage a successful propaganda tool was the visibility of it. All Romans would use these new coins minted by Augustus’ authority. Standardizing the precious metal content was a real and tangible benefit to the Roman people. The standardization of the precious metals facilitated trade due to creating an increase in the trust of citizens and foreigners in Roman currency more. The standardization of coinage also played into another theme that Augustus pushed about his reign. He claimed that he was a restorer of the Republic and a restorer of order. Standardizing the coinage was a powerful tool to show this to the Roman people.
Around this time there was also a shift in themes on the coins Augustus minted. Augustus shifted from showcasing his connection to Julius Caesar, and through him his connection to the divine, to explicitly showing his direct connection to the divinities, focusing more on demonstrating his own accomplishments and comparatively downplaying his connection to Julius Caesar. These shifts in how Augustus portrays himself and his relationship to Julius Caesar reflect Augustus’ consolidation of power and influence in the Roman political sphere.
Analysis of the Prima Porta
The Prima Porta statue of Augustus follows this same pattern. The Prima Porta is full of divine imagery and references to Augustus’ achievements. However, direct references to Julius Caesar and Augustus connections to him is one thing that is noticeably lacking from the Prima Porta. In fact, it is difficult to find even indirect or subtle references to Julius Caesar on the Prima Porta. This shows Octavian initially heavily relied on his connection to Julius Caesar and mostly perpetuated the Cult of Caesar as a means to an end. It was only after Augustus solidified his reign that he dropped the references to the worship of the deified Julius Caesar, instead portraying himself as a divine.
One of the main themes on the Prima Porta is Augustus’ own accomplishments and his connection to the divinities. This is shown in a multitude of ways. Starting from the top, the sphinxes, which flank his neck and are on the shoulder guards of his cuirass, are allusions to his connection to divinity. They could also be a reference to how he defeated Mark Antony, who often used sphinxes in his iconography, or it could just be a reference to his own supposed divinity. Just below his neck is a nude bearded man, who is often identified as Caelus. To the left of him is a man in a chariot pulled by horses, whose legs are framing the eagle standard below, the man is often identified as Helios or Sol. To the right of the bearded figure are two female figures, whose identities are still being debated, but the one with the torch is often identified as Selene or Luna and the one with the pitcher in her hand is often identified as Aurora or Dawn. Moving down to what is portrayed on Augustus’ abdominals, the main scene is flanked from the left and right by divine figures and representations of Roman provinces. The male figure on the left is often associated with Apollo due to the lyre and winged griffin he rides, while the female figure on the right is often identified as Diana. The figures that are thought to represent Roman provinces are usually identified as Hispania and Gaul. The last and perhaps most blatant reference to Augustus’ supposed divinity is the fact that Augustus is barefooted. In Roman (and Greek) tradition being portrayed as barefooted in sculpture was reserved for divine figures, or figures with a special connection to the divinities. Although, the Prima Porta statue is full of divine imagery, perhaps the most fascinating and most prominent image on the Prima Porta is the one on the center of his cuirass.
Another interesting aspect on the Prima Porta, is the centerpiece, which in Augustus’ own mind was one of his greatest achievements, the reacquiring of an eagle standard. The centerpiece of the Prima Porta portrays a man in eastern garb presenting an eagle standard, or Aquila to an armored Roman figure. This is meant to represent a Parthian returning an Aquila, which a previous general, Marcus Licinius Crassus, a member of the First Triumvirate had lost during his campaigns. Aquilae were semi-religious objects to the Romans. The Aquilae depicted eagles, a symbol of Jupiter, and every Roman legion carried one. It was seen as dishonorable to lose one, so it makes sense for Augustus to be so proud to retrieve some. Augustus retrieved these Aquilae through diplomatic means, making it a little odd he would be so proud in showcasing their retrieval. The fact he uses this as the centerpiece for the Prima Porta and why it was effective propaganda could be explained by a few reasons. One is that many of his military victories were against other Romans, or Roman allied forces. It might have upset Roman citizens if he portrayed his victories against Roman forces. Another explanation is that after multiple civil wars, the Roman population was exhausted with war and would be more receptive to a Roman politician showcasing his diplomatic prowess as opposed to his military success. The depiction on the centerpiece of the Prima Porta of a Roman receiving an eagle standard through diplomacy helps paint Augustus as a capable diplomat and corresponds well with other propaganda, he made which painted him as a restorer of order and as a benevolent ruler.
Conclusion
The primary theme on coins minted by Octavian in the late Roman Republic is his connection to Julius Caesar. A more minor, but still consistent theme on these coins is Octavian’s connection to the divinities, primarily through his connection to Julius Caesar. After Octavian solidified his power and received the title Augustus, the themes on the coins shifted. The motifs on his coin more explicitly showed his direct connection to the divinities while focusing less on his connection to Julius Caesar. This is because after Augustus solidified his power and became a powerful politician in his own right, he did not need to rely as heavily on his connection to Julius Caesar for support. The shift in themes in Octavian’s propaganda is reinforced by what is shown on contemporary statues and monuments, such as coins and the Prima Porta. Coins minted by Octavian in the late Roman Republic featuring divine imagery and star imagery helped lay the foundation for his eventual apotheosis by highlighting his unique connection to divinities through his adopted father Julius Caesar. The coins, Augustus had minted after his coinage reform were also important because they set the standards for the imagery and precious metal content on Roman imperial coins until even after the reign of Nero.
